Two theories are doing the rounds in police intelligence circles after the murder of Sunil Mahto. According to the first theory, the MP from Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was gunned down by Maoists for failing to pay them the promised sum of ten crore in return for the help he had received during his election. The second is that Mahto was a victim of inner-party squabbles; he had become the man who pulled the strings in the Madhu Koda ministry and many in the party did not like this.

Such speculations are understandable, considering the situation at both the national and state levels. Extremists have always been known to help politicians. For instance, in the North-east, it is common to find insurgent groups assisting candidates for a fee.

Such help comes at other times as well. Some experts are of the view that the United Liberation Front of Asom had withdrawn its call for the boycott of the National Games after having its palms greased. In Andhra Pradesh, the erstwhile Peoples War Group had supported the Congress against the Telugu Desam Party. So if the Maoists had agreed to help Mahto, then it can be said that their decision was nothing out of the ordinary.

As for the other line of thought, it is entirely in keeping with political life in Jharkhand. Shibu Soren, accused of murdering his private secretary, is currently in prison.But Soren is certainly not the first politician in the state to have blood on his hands. Politicians in Jharkhand are known to use force to get rid of rivals. Fear is what they thrive on, and they often appear in rallies carrying lethal weapons. Before the birth of the new state, it was this element of fear that helped them extort money. There had also been reports of rifts in the movement for Jharkhand over the distribution of the booty.

Victim of conditions

It is not as if other parties are free of this vice. This is because politicians of this tribal state have a special problem of their own. Having got their state, they have no other goal ahead of them. This has led to the rise of internecine warfare, and not among the JMM alone. Even tribal leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party have not been able to demonstrate the same level of discipline that one gets to see from party leaders elsewhere in the country. Given the situation, it is possible that Sunil Mahto did seek the help of Maoists to strike fear in the hearts of his opponents.

Another aspect of political life in Jharkhand has come to the fore in the wake of Mahto’s murder. Reportedly, Mahto was first advised to get the money from government contractors. These people have been bled white by the Maoists and politicians for long. The contractors make up for their loss by quoting higher rates and compromising the quality of the project. As a result, development is slow, and the state continues to suffer. It is often argued that development work in the tribal areas would put Maoists on the back foot. But what needs to be asked is whether there can be any development in a state where everybody is interested in turning each project into a profitable venture. Moreover, the development of a state cannot be accomplished in an atmosphere of fear. This is particularly true of Jharkhand, which is yet to have an efficient government.

Surprisingly, the Jharkhand government has never shown any interest in organizing joint operations against the Maoists with the help of neighbouring states. Is this because politicians there need to use extremists to settle personal scores? If this were true, the Maoists would have very little to complain about. After all, there is considerable demand for their services. As for Mahto, it can be said that he has become a victim of the conditions that could not have been created without his knowledge or assistance, as the final inquiry report may well reveal.